Introduction: Beauty is not an inherent or natural phenomenon; rather, in each historical period, it is socially constructed by different forces, particularly powerful ones. Once beauty is defined, it is valued and protected in a manner similar to sacred objects. According to Bourdieu, art and aesthetics are not transcendental in themselves but are categorized and defined by dominant social groups. With the development of social media, individuals have gained the ability to use both mental and material resources to define beauty and to resist imposed definitions. This raises an important question: are the groups that define beauty still homogeneous and limited to ruling elites, or have they become plural and diverse? Religious and traditional discourses, market forces driven by neoliberal and capitalist values, as well as policymakers, each promote their own definitions of beauty. This research seeks to identify the types and mechanisms of various beauty-related discourses in Iranian society and to examine the effects and consequences of these discourses and controversies in the everyday lives of users and their audiences.
Methodology: The field investigated in this research is not spatially limited and includes social networks in which representations of beauty in Iranian society are most visible, such as Instagram, Facebook, Telegram, YouTube, and Twitter (X). Personal pages, hijab-style pages, chat rooms, various news websites related to fitness and beauty, job search websites, clothing and cosmetics sales platforms, cosmetic service websites, cosmetic physicians, and even medical fields such as dentistry that indirectly engage with beauty, as well as ethnic music videos and educational videos produced by beauty bloggers, constitute the main fields of data collection in this study. There was no predetermined limitation on sample selection, and data collection continued until theoretical saturation was achieved. Themes were then extracted and integrated into the final narrative.
Findings: In the “traditional discourse,” definitions of beauty are ambiguous for men, while relatively precise and rigid standards are imposed on women. These definitions are evident in mythological texts, fiction, oral literature, and similar sources. A shared essentialist understanding of women’s beauty exists among ethnic groups, traditional social strata, and religious communities. Traditional discourse often presents beauty—particularly female beauty—in mystical and symbolic terms. This definition, which historically emphasized facial beauty and virginity, has been partially transformed by neoliberal definitions of beauty, resulting in the convergence of facial features across different ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the luxurious and non-functional aspects of local women’s clothing remain symbolically acceptable and beautiful due to their association with authenticity. At the same time, attributes such as courage, dignity, maturity, and similar qualities continue to be valued as key characteristics of the traditional beauty discourse.
The “neoliberal discourse” of beauty, while complicit with traditional Iranian male attitudes in fixing certain meanings associated with the ideal female body, departs from other imposed ideals that require men to endure physical or emotional suffering. In neoliberal definitions of beauty, individuals appear to have freedom of choice; however, beauty ideals are produced and regulated elsewhere. Although this discourse promotes homogenization, it simultaneously encourages a form of superficial individuality and simulated personal style. Beauty experts—particularly beauty bloggers—are granted special legitimacy as holders of expert knowledge. They attempt to professionalize their practices and maintain their authority by making beauty processes increasingly luxurious and complex. In this discourse, greater artificiality produces stronger differentiation, while beauty itself becomes standardized, conventional, and temporally limited. At the same time, a form of resistance has emerged among generally educated women who oppose the consumerist and class-based definitions of beauty by emphasizing naturalness and minimal artificial intervention. Another feature of the neoliberal beauty discourse is the universalization of beauty across different ages, genders, and ethnic groups. Individuals previously considered unattractive due to bodily differences, illness, or skin and hair conditions can now become objects of visual attention through aesthetic modification. Conversely, certain Iranian ethnic characteristics that were once excluded from dominant beauty standards are now considered attractive when artificially reproduced, thereby becoming markers of distinction.
The “Islamic discourse” of beauty is primarily articulated through the phenomenon of Islamic fashion. Islamic fashion, which emerged in Muslim-majority societies as a reaction to Western modernity, has entered Iran through processes of cultural diffusion. The government and a significant portion of the religious population reject neoliberal approaches to veiling based on tabarruj. Despite this, veiled women attempt to construct new and distinctive identities due to their marginalized position in a society increasingly dominated by neoliberal beauty norms. They rely particularly on hijab stylists and hijab and lifestyle bloggers who promote Islamic lifestyles and attempt to frame them as aesthetic and consumable practices. However, these efforts have provoked criticism from both religious and non-religious groups. Modesty remains a central element of the Islamic beauty discourse and is incorporated into many clothing bricolages, such that even women who are otherwise nonconforming in their behaviors seek to demonstrate adherence to modesty in specific contexts.
In the “Official discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” full hijab is defined as a foundational requirement, and all women—regardless of belief—are expected to observe it. Over many years, women from diverse social groups have attempted to transgress its boundaries by transforming hijab into a tactical and negotiable field. In hijab bricolage discourses, particularly those promoted by hijab stylists and models, the form and meaning of the official hijab are actively contested. The globalization and universalization of beauty, along with cultural intersections at national and local levels, have rendered the definition of a single, fixed form of hijab increasingly untenable.
Conclusion: The intersection and combination of different historical identifications among Iranians—modernist, traditional, and religious—along with policymaking interventions in the fields of fashion and clothing in response to expansive and dynamic virtual texts, have produced multiple beauty-related discourses and practices. Aesthetic discourses in networked spaces reveal the configuration and dialectical transformation of structure and agency. While the findings confirm the presence of variation, creativity, and individual resistance, they ultimately demonstrate the dominance of structural forces over individual agency across many beauty discourses.